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Cricket ball hitting the stumps
Cricket ball hitting the stumps

Picture: Graham Dean

If it seems a lifetime ago and a different world, it’s because it probably was. The spring of 1982 would soon be dominated by words and phrases that are being commemorated and recalled again today.

But at that point very few had heard of yomping, tabbing, Goose Green, General Belgrano or Exocet. Those words and places would dominate the headlines, overshadowing and equally dark period in this nations sporting history.

Back then, South Africa was a no-go area in a sporting context, unless you were the British Lions.

South Africa proved they could still play rugby in 1980, but a generation of their cricketers had been idle in the Test arena due to its Apartheid system.

There was never going to be an official tour. But in early 1982 a bunch of English players arrived in South Africa for a month-long tour.

This was breaking the sporting embargo big time. Led by Graham Gooch, the squad also included the world’s top Test run maker, Geoff Boycott, along Dennis Amiss, John Emburey, Mike Hendrick, Geoff Humpage, Alan Knott, Wayne Larkins, John Lever, Chris Old, Arnold Sidebottom, Les Taylor, Derek Underwood, Peter Willey and Bob Woolmer.

If they had expected a ticking off from what was the TCCB at the time or the ICC, then they underestimated the national and international outcry. While they tried to justify their appearance as a way of breaking the apartheid system, no-one bought that excuse.

They were branded “The Dirty Dozen” although, eventually, time did cleanse their collective and personal standings.

At the time however, they were headline news. Until they took to the field of play.

The South Africans were too good, too confident, and had too much to prove (and lose) and against a collection of has-beens, never-beens, and one or two would-be players, even if the PR people tried to pass them off as a full-strength England XI, missing only Ian Botham.

In South Africa, the rebels were treated like sporting royalty, heralded as champions ahead of the three “Tests” and a similar number of one-day “internationals”.

Once the action started however, they looked anything but a first XI.

The South Africans, led by Mike Procter and full of ability and desire, won the Tests series 1-0, and the ODI’s 3-0.

Batsman Jimmy Cook starred, as he would do years later with Somerset, while Vintcent van der Bijl, known to many for his stay at Middlesex, was successful with the ball.

But as news headlines focused wholly on the conflict in the South Atlantic, few paid much attention to the sound of leather on willow, or of cheques being cashed.

Regardless of anyone’s claims or moral stance, few believed the English participants had undertaken this trip for anything other than financial gain.

What they hadn’t bargained for was the three-year bans from international cricket handed down by the ICC, ending the majority of their international careers, Boycott being the most high-profile “victim”.

Of those who did return, Middlesex spinner John Emburey and Essex opener Graham Gooch made the biggest contributions. Indeed, somewhat ironically, Gooch went on to captain England, officially.

Ten years after that illegal trip, South Africa were back in the Test Match arena, officially. Apartheid had gone, and so too the Springboks’ sporting exile.

It’s difficult to recall a time when the Springboks were not participating in the international cricket – and sporting – arena.

It is, perhaps, even more difficult to think of cricketing mercenaries flying halfway around the globe, and turning up to give credence to a corrupt government and society – even for those who lived through that shocking episode.

Sachin Tendulkar – still one short <em>Picture: arunramu</em>

Sachin Tendulkar – still one short Picture: arunramu

By Stewart Weir

The first day of the weekend, traditionally our biggest sporting day, often provides a bit of a mixed bag.

South Africa these days is a unified nation, which on a sporting stage has hosted cricket, rugby and football world cups. With memories of those events, it’s difficult to think that South Africa were, rightly, sporting pariahs at one time, banned from international sport because of their policy on segregation and apartheid.

It would have been something of a history lesson for many watching the news at the weekend to hear of the death of Basil D’Oliveira.

People talked of his Test record and his performances for Worcestershire. I best recall him for the latter, in his mid-40s, with a torn hamstring, batting with a runner in the Benson & Hedges final at Lord’s against Kent.

But all the runs, all the wickets and catches he amassed over the years would never square with his greatest achievement. For D’Oliveira unwittingly began apartheid’s demise in 1968.

While the world debated exactly what to do with South Africa, the Test and County Cricket Board selected D’Oliveira for England’s tour there. Actually, they didn’t initially.

They, for want of a better description, “bottled”. Knowing what his inclusion, as a Cape Coloured, would mean, they omitted him from their original selection, only bringing him in after injury ruled out Tom Cartwright.

The South Africans said no. England didn’t tour, although there was plenty of pressure on them from those who believed politics had no place in sport.

But England didn’t go, the world took notice, and South Africa were ostracised, becoming sporting outcasts thereafter – except when the likes of the British Lions went there in 1974 and again in 1980. But that’s another very different story…

He didn’t quite read or broadcast such stories, but sports fans – and even those who hated sport – would hang on every word uttered by Tim Gudgin.

His voice is one I’ve recognised since I first got into sport. The man who once read the racing and rugby results has, since the death of Len Martin, “decided” whose Littlewoods or fixed-odds coupons would be successful.

But Saturday saw him retire from making – and breaking – many a dream, aged just 83! Another victim of the Beeb’s switch to Salford, perhaps?

Meanwhile, in Glasgow, “Captain America” was being acknowledged for winning his 100th cap.

Defender Carlos Bocanegra’s achievement was marked by Rangers, who presented him with a silver salver. A nice gesture, even if his cap count on arriving in Scotland stood at 91.

At that rate, maybe a special medal should be stamped for ex-Gers skipper Gavin Rae…

First mention in despatches goes to Tom Hall, editor of the Scottish Football Blog, for his “fitbablether” Blogathon which saw 24 hours, 24 posts, 16,665 words crafted and so far over £840 raised for Alzheimer Scotland and the Homeless World Cup.

Let’s do it all again soon. Like tomorrow?

Perhaps not the quantity of memorable sport on the box this weekend, although that’s not strictly true. For Power Snooker, ITV4’s major sporting contribution to weekend viewing will live long in the memory.

When it comes to snooker, I am a bit of a traditionalist. I know, there are those who say snooker can be dull, boring, uninteresting. And that’s true. But that’s why Match of the Day has a final match of the day every Saturday night.

Even the best league in the world (allegedly, which is why Messi and Ronaldo play in Spain if you haven’t noticed) has the odd dud game.

When people talk about atmosphere and excitement at snooker, they might refer to the bear pit that was Goffs, once home to the Irish Masters, or to the drama of a Wembley Masters final of which there have been many over the years, or to a late-night Crucible semi-final.

No one, to my knowledge, has ever commented on the atmosphere generated by one of snooker’s bastard children, such as Power Snooker or 6 Reds (snooker’s equivalent of the Morris Ital), unless they were being paid handsomely to comment – or commentate – on proceedings, their every word over the weekend whipping me up in to a frenzy of apathy and boredom.

Power Snooker, had everything. Maybe that was it’s biggest failing.

But if you can imagine the best snooker players in the world, a commentary team ODing on caffine-boosted energy drinks and a snooker table, fused, reheated and mixed with elements of Pot Black, Countdown, Loose Women, karaoke night at your local Miners’ Welfare just before last orders, some Asbo-dodgers, and a set of rules which even had those officiating glancing at each other as if they’d been set either a Krypton Factor task or a paper on the causes of the National Socialism in Germany during the 1920s, then you have Power Snooker.

As you can tell, I’m undecided.

I thought I might have been alone. Until I saw what John Higgins, the reigning world champion (and sounding a tad like Olympic great Sir Steve Redgrave), had to say about the thing.

“If you ever see me anywhere near Power Snooker again you have my permission to shoot me,” said Higgins.

For the moment, I’ll also put him among the undecided…

David Beckham basks in the glory of helping LA Galaxy to a 1–0 win over Houston Dynamo in the MLS Cup final. He will now decide on where his future may be, possibly with PSG, and in playing for Team GB in the Olympics.

Beckham’s team-mate Robbie Keane said winning the MLS Cup caps a fantastic week for him, after securing qualification for Euro 2012 with Ireland.

Keane meanwhile won’t be seeking a loan move between MLS seasons, so no short-term switch back to the club in Scotland he always wanted to play for.

Which will come as a huge disappointment to many supporters of that great club. But I’m sure Gers fans will get over it.

World Cup winning coach Graham Henry rules out seeking any post with England in the wake of their recent management cull.

It’s worth watching this interview with the All Blacks coach, if just to hear one of the shortest answers on record to one of the longest questions ever broadcast.

Henry lays out at length what he wants to do in the future, and the reasons why an England role doesn’t appeal to him, one being that he wanted to spend time with his grandchildren.

So he likes kids – although not all of those selected by England for the World Cup…

In English football you have the haves and the have nots. There is also a third category of those who have so much, they don’t really know what they have and have not. Manchester City and Chelsea fall into this category.

The latter now see their chances of qualification to the knockout stages of the Champions League dependent upon not losing to Valencia in the final group game after a last-minute loss to Bayer Leverkusen.

City, meantime, are in an equally perilous state going into their final tie, having lost 2–1 to Napoli – whose president, Antonio de Laurentiis, couldn’t miss the opportunity to put the boot in a bit more.

“I think Sheikh Mansour just wanted a toy when he bought Manchester City,” De Laurentiis said. “If they don’t win something quickly, he could just go somewhere else and buy another toy.” Ouch!

Talking of buying things, City’s loss wasn’t lost on some who might use a well-known credit card for certain purchases.

Man City’s loss in 2010/11: £194.9m.

Man City’s salary budget: £174m.

Owner’s outlay: £1 billion.

Losing to Napoli: Priceless.

Miracles do happen. American Samoa – officially ranked the worst international football team in the world – won a game for the first time in their history when they defeated Tonga 2–1.

The US protectorate had of course made the headlines a decade ago when they nearly became the Bon Accord of the international game, losing 31–0 to Australia.

“This victory would now be part of soccer history,” said coach Thomas Rongen. “Maybe we have a chance to do something special here beyond this one game. But let’s enjoy this one right now.”

Yes, let’s. Silver salver all round, I say…

There are sports fans, and then there are sports presenters. Then there are sports fans who present. And in that last category you’ll find STV’s Raman Bhardwaj.

At 4:47am this morning he tweeted: “Sachin Tendulkar misses out on getting his 100th 100. Out for 94. Gutted. :-(“. Such dedication.

Within a minute, however, 4:48 according to the Twitter clock, another cricket-loving nutter had replied saying that “he [Tendulkar] could learn a thing or several from Geoffrey Boycott…”.

I was of course referring to the Sir Geoffrey’s hundredth first-class hundred at Headingley in 1977…

Tweet Stewart Weir with thoughts and comments, @sweirz

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The Rt Hon Douglas Alexander MP <em>Picture: World Economic Forum</em>

The Rt Hon Douglas Alexander MP Picture: World Economic Forum

The following is the text of the Andrew John Williamson Memorial Lecture for 2011, given at Stirling University earlier this evening by the Rt Hon Douglas Alexander MP. The lecture is entitled “A Better Nation? – A Personal Reflection on Scotland’s Future”.

Good evening. It is a genuine privilege to be here to deliver the Andrew John Williamson Memorial Lecture and I am delighted that Andrew’s mother Joyce is here with us this evening. And can I also say what a pleasure it is to be here at Stirling University.

As I ruminated upon a title for this evening’s lecture my first thought – given that Dunsinane lies only a few miles up the road in Perthshire – was to ask “Stands Scotland where it did?”

Yet a moment’s reflection was sufficient to answer the question posed by Shakespeare.

And there could be few better settings in which to discuss the recent developments and future course of Scottish politics than Stirling – the seat where in 1997 Michael Forsyth played the role of General Custer in the Scottish Conservatives’ last stand, but which then passed from Labour control at the 2007 Holyrood elections – not back to the Tories, but rather into the hands of the SNP, narrowly then but earlier this year with a majority of nearly 6,000 and almost 50 per cent of the total votes cast. Nowhere illustrates more starkly the changes in Scottish politics that have taken place over recent years.

Last May we witnessed the election of a majority government for the first time in the twelve year history of Scottish devolution. And if we take them at their word, the historic victory of the Scottish National Party will ensure that the issue of a referendum on independence has now come to the fore.

And, accordingly, it is to the issue of Scotland’s political future and Scottish Labour’s place therein that I want to direct my remarks this evening.

Tonight I want to explore some of the issues that I believe will inform the necessary public discourse and debate that will precede the choice Scotland makes in such a referendum.

But let me say just a word in passing specifically on the referendum. As someone who knows how to run a campaign, one of my real concerns is that the referendum debate may become simply a fight between William Wallace and the bogey man.

Because in a time of choosing, our duty is greater, and our responsibility is heavier.

This debate demands a different quality of imagination.

“Obsolete dogmas and outworn slogans” must yield to a debate not just about our identity, but about our ideals. About what kind of nation we are, and what kind of nation we want to become.

Our fellow citizens deserve a debate worthy of a momentous choice that will help write the history of this generation.

And before the heat generated by that forthcoming battle obscures the light, I want to take the opportunity afforded by tonight’s lecture to offer some personal reflections on those forces, far from the headlines, that will shape our choice.

Let me say, first, what this lecture is not. It is not an exercise in accounting. It is not an attempt to weigh the costs and expense involved in establishing the apparatus of a separate Scottish state and disentangling ourselves from the partnership that is the United Kingdom.

There will be time enough, and no doubt plenty of opportunities, for such evidence to be set before the people of Scotland in the months and years ahead.

As someone who was centrally involved in devising Labour’s “Divorce is a Expensive Business” campaign for the first elections to Holyrood in 1999, I am not unaware of the importance of such evidence, nor do I resile from the fears I still have about the damage that Scotland’s exit from the United Kingdom would do, most of all, to Scotland.

But I said after the 1999 election that it was the last time I thought we could run such a campaign, and yet it is surely now clear that in the decade that followed, too little was done by my party to tell a different story of possibility about Scotland.

In 1999 we identified what would have been the wrong path for Scotland, but thereafter we didn’t do enough to describe the right path by which to achieve a better nation.

We all know Labour needed to show humility after our election defeats. But we also have an obligation to think – and to re-engage. My work observing and participating in democratic politics both at home and abroad over the last decade has taught me many things.

And one of them is that, in policy, statistics matter, but in politics, stories matter too.

Because stories help shape what is hidden in plain sight all around us – what we judge has meaning, and what we judge doesn’t. And it is through stories that we provoke the feelings of hope that are at the heart of participating in a progressive society – the care, concern, and compassion that has always underpinned the will to act.

Why do I make that claim? Because our emotions are the very foundation of reason – because they tell each of us what to value. Despite Plato’s description of reason and emotion as two horses pulling in the opposite direction, the truth is that how we feel about what we know is the deepest way in which we add meaning and significance to whatever information we have at our disposal – it is how what we know becomes real and rooted in who we are.

This should have come as no surprise to a graduate of the University of Edinburgh such as myself.

Because the writings of David Hume remind us that reason is often weak and sentiments are strong.

Perhaps I should just have listened more intently to my father’s sermons. For the Church, not just here in Scotland but around the globe, has understood for 2,000 years that we live our lives by parables.

It was the Church that recognised 450 years ago that education was the basis of each of us fulfilling our potential or writing our own story and so set out to put a school in every parish – an act of public service that shaped our nations identity and led to an Enlightenment period that was to spill out over Europe and beyond that challenged the very way we see the world.

So it is perhaps appropriate that I begin my exploration of these issues this evening by quoting the words of the Austrian philosopher, priest and social critic, Ivan Illich.

In an interview about one of his works, he stated: “Neither revolution not reformation can ultimately change a society, rather you must tell a new powerful tale, one so persuasive that it sweeps away the old myths and becomes the preferred story, one so inclusive that it gathers all the bits of our past and our present into a coherent whole, one that even shines some light into the future so that we can take the next step forward. If you want to change society, then you have to tell an alternative story.”

Ponder those words: “You have to tell an alternative story.”

Of course the stories we tell about ourselves, our communities and our nation are thankfully not the exclusive domain of politicians: writers, musicians, poets and artists help shape our sense of self and also our sense of our nation’s story.

The case I want to make tonight is that we need and deserve a better story about Scotland and its possibilities: one which does more justice to our sense of potential than either of the narratives that have come to dominate our political discourse in recent times.

And I want to suggest this evening that we need a broader, more inclusive, more generous story if we are to be a better nation, and that to be a better nation does not demand that we become a separate nation.

At the moment, we risk years of debate defined by polarising positions not shared by most of us in Scotland. On one hand there is a story about Scotland’s future distorted by the continued need to assert our differentness to the point of denying what we hold in common in these islands.

On the other hand is a story that draws too much from our past which has allowed the misconception to develop that any acknowledgement of Britishness somehow seeks to diminish the pride we feel in the distinctiveness of Scotland.

Neither account, it seems to me, is adequate for who we are as Scots, what we believe, or what we have it in ourselves to become in the years ahead.

And I would argue there is a real urgency in developing that better story, so that in the years ahead we don’t squander our energies on proving our difference, rather than improving our nation.

Let me draw on my personal experience to explain what I mean.

In the Scotland in which I grew up, in the 70s, 80s and 90s, our national story was widely shared. The distinction between patriotism and nationalism was widely understood and accepted. Those of us who shouted proudly – if often forlornly – for Scotland in Hampden or Murrayfield felt no compulsion to embrace political nationalism.

The villain of the narrative was the insensitive, arrogant and selfish politics embodied by Margaret Thatcher, the legacy of which still condemns the Conservative party in the eyes of most Scots, more than 20 years since she stood down as prime minister.

The narrative was reflective of Scotland undergoing the forced removal and restructuring of the industries and communities, from Upper Clyde Shipbuilders to Ravenscraig, from Linwood to Methil and the coalfields that had shaped Scotland’s sense of itself for decades.

So as a student when I joined my compatriots in protest against Thatcherism outside New College when she came to deliver her infamous “Sermon on the Mound” in 1988, or in support of the Scottish parliament in George Square, and the Meadows in 1992, we were reflecting what John Smith described so well as “the settled will of the Scottish people”.

At that time if felt like a struggle for Scotland’s soul. As William Mcllvanney described it in his 1987 lecture at the SNP conference: “We have never, until now, had a government so determined to unpick the very fabric of Scottish life and make it over into something quite different. We have never had a government so glibly convinced of its own rightness that it demands that one of the oldest nations in Europe should give itself a shake and change utterly its sense of self.

“If we allow her [Mrs Thatcher] to continue she will remove from the word Scottish any meaning other than geographical.

“We are now so threatened by a government implacably hostile to the ideas that have nourished Scotland’s deepest sense of itself that we must have to protect ourselves. We will either defend our identity or lose it – there is no other choice.”

And the heroes of this story, for me, and many other Scots, were the generation of Labour politicians who gave voice not only to our concerns but also to our hopes: Dewar, Smith, Brown and Cook.

They held out the possibility of a better Scottish nation – by their commitment to constitutional change certainly, but even more by their shared commitment to social and economic change and solidarity with the poor, even when that was not an easy path.

As Democratic Socialists, they never saw a contradiction in working for a better Scotland and a better Britain.

And they were a generation true to their word. For despite the taunts that the Labour Party “couldn’t deliver a pizza, never mind a parliament” in fact, we did deliver Scotland’s parliament.

While the Nationalists stood aside from the Constitutional Convention – something they now seek to airbrush out of their history – I am forever proud that one of the first acts of the incoming Labour government was to set out what became the Scotland Act giving birth to Scotland’s first democratic parliament.

But Labour in government delivered not just a Scottish parliament but also the Human Rights Act; a reformed House of Lords; civil partnerships; new maternity and paternity rights; new rights to join a trade union. But not just that: a minimum wage, record levels of investment in our schools and hospitals, record levels of employment, a decade of economic growth; the Minimum Income Guarantee and the Working Families’ Tax Credit.

Now of course, I am proud of the many good things achieved by the Labour government in which I was honoured to serve. And I am also proud of much that the Scottish Labour Party achieved in government at Holyrood from 1999 to 2007 – not just establishing Smart, Successful Scotland, or the Scottish Drug Enforcement Agency, but in my own community building the new schools that have literally transformed the learning environment for our local children.

But these achievements, important thought they are, were not sufficient to mask an underlying difficulty with the story Scottish Labour was telling about itself and about Scotland. We rewrote the statute book but we did not, alas, rewrite the story.

And that familiar, unchanged story we told came under sustained pressure in recent years for a variety of reasons.

First, the familiar villain of Thatcherism, in time, moved into history. I still remember 22 November 1990 – the day Margaret Thatcher resigned. It was the week before the by-election of my predecessor as MP for Paisley and I was campaigning around the town with Donald Dewar.

And when the momentous news of Margaret Thatcher’s resignation was announced by Donald through a megaphone to the children of St Fergus’ Primary School, who were out on their playtime, the whole playground started jumping for joy.

That’s the measure of the grip Thatcher held on our collective imagination by the early 90s. But there is an additional point: the post-war industrial Scotland Thatcher did so much to dismantle also began to move into history.

As Scottish Labour we were, at times, slow to identify ourselves with the underlying but profound changes in the Scottish economy. Labour’s politics, formed in the 70s and 80s, were those of struggle against decline.

Too late in the years before 2007 did we recognise that our policies in government, while not fully eradicating poverty, had created a more diverse and modern economy – reliant on banks, yes, but strong in bioscience, leading Europe in energy, from oil and gas to renewables, and with modern manufacturing and computer games software thriving.

The SNP saw that economic strength and sought to annex the sense of confidence it generated to their definition of Scotland and its destiny.

But these changes also meant that some of the old Labour “hymns” were increasingly unfamiliar to an audience increasingly without personal knowledge of the tunes.

The attachment to and insistence upon these old hymns reflected the fact that the Scottish Party, largely by reason of the unique national element in our politics, never really felt it needed to be “New” Labour.

Indeed it is arguable that the process of “modernisation” might not, in fact, have been required to defeat the Tories in Scotland, but this comfort in old orthodoxies contributed to the party’s disorientation and vulnerability when we came under attack from a different direction, and from a more nimble opponent.

More broadly, the resurgent Scottish pride and confidence, in part resulting from a decade of economic growth from 1997 to 2007, at times left Scottish Labour looking uneasy.

Why? In part the coincidence of traditional symbols of and repositories for working class identity – such as trade union membership and large scale industrial workplaces – were declining, while simultaneously there remained a strength of national pride, reaffirmed in everything from the music of the Proclaimers’ 500 Miles, sung on the terraces at Hampden, to Eddi Reader’s musical reinterpretation of Burns’ poetry and song.

The repository of emotion for many Scots moved from class-based institutions to national institutions. And while the love and respect for the BBC, the NHS, the armed forces and the royal family have stayed strong, other distinctively Scottish institutions grew in the Scottish people’s affections.

Finally, unpopular aspects of both old and New Labour combined to reduce our support. Old Labour was still associated with a sense that “Labour runs everything” from Westminster to the local council, and regrettably that stewardship was not always viewed as moving with the times.

New Labour, on the other hand, despite all its achievements, came to be associated with the conflict in Iraq in 2003, the revulsion at the MP’s expenses scandal, and the wearinesss of ideas born of successive periods of government in Westminster and Holyrood.

The combined impact of these perceived weaknesses caused many to turn away from our party.

So, by 2011, how has that story played out? It played out in Scottish Labour warning of the risks of Thatcherism decades after she had left office, and in a campaign that suggested knife crime, important though tackling it is, was the key concern of an electorate that, in truth, had many other concerns.

This was a story that sought to draw what little emotional power it could muster not from Scotland’s future, but from Scotland’s past.

And in a decisive rejection at the ballot box, in the language of the terraces, we were well and truly “gubbed”. The party which, on the day the Scottish parliament was first elected, could claim without contradiction to be the only true National Party of Scotland, within 12 years found itself supported by only one in eight Scottish voters.

And what of the winners of that election?

The harsh truth for Labour is that the Nationalist’s victory in May did not derive exclusively from their approach to national identity. It reflected differences in personnel, resources and campaigning approaches. It also reflected that those who voted for them had judged them fairly competent and broadly aligned with their values, in their stewardship of government over the previous four years.

Just as importantly, Labour, in opposition was seen as too often concerned only with opposition for its own sake. Too many Scots judged us to have complained in unspecified ways about the SNP’s failure to deliver, without articulating a clear enough alternative story and account of Scotland’s possibilities.

That weakness – for which we share a collective responsibility – allowed the SNP to deflect criticism of their record over the preceding four years in two ways: first to attribute the failures of the Scottish government to the existence and impact of the British government; and, second, to attribute their failures to their status as a minority government.

There is however, one positive I do take from last May’s result, which you might think a strange thing for a Labour politician to say.

I do not believe that, at root, Scotland was voting for independence. In that I believe I am joined by Alex Salmond who surely wouldn’t be putting off a referendum if he thought that was the case.

But what I believe Scots were saying is that they want Scotland to be a better nation. They feel pride in Scotland and want new possibilities for its people. And they didn’t feel last May that Labour was offering that better way forward.

But this analysis of our defeat sits alongside the fact that the SNP have always had a different national narrative based on the desirability and indeed inevitability of separation from the rest of Britain. And the SNP’s victory in May means that this narrative will now be central to the debate about Scottish politics for the immediate years to come.

Of course, over time, that narrative has changed, and evolved but always with the same destination – independence – and always the same villain: Britain.

So in the 1960s, with the advent of the modern SNP, the case for separation was made on the basis of our relative economic deprivation. Then in the 1970s the case for separation was made on the basis that “It’s Scotland’s oil”. Most recently, or at least prior to the banking crisis of 2008, the case has been advanced on the ability of Scotland to join “the Arc of Prosperity” of Ireland, Iceland and Norway.

In fact, this narrative always struggled to capture more than a minority of Scottish support.

That is not to dispute the scale of their victory last May: Labour lost big and consequently the Nationalists won big. It is to suggest that by 2007, the Nationalists were the beneficiaries of the weakening in support for Labour, and the diminishing of the emotive power of the key events and individuals that had previously sustained Labour’s story and indeed support.

Over recent years, Nationalists have sought to construct a new and less narrowly drawn narrative suggesting that they alone truly have the interests of Scotland at heart and that they alone are powered by a desire for a better nation.

That is why, with what I would describe as “Mandelsonian” discipline, they parrot the line about “London Labour”. It is spin designed to disqualify and delegitimise a broad swathe of Scottish opinion that does not share their agenda.

The strength of that less narrowly drawn narrative advanced in recent years has been its ability to tap into the strong sense of Scottish patriotism. Buoyed by years of economic growth, and the establishment of a Scottish parliament, the SNP have worked hard to try and capture the sense of possibility that in a previous generation was held by the Labour Party. The SNP saw the economic strength and sought to annex the sense of confidence to their definition of Scotland and its destiny.

In parallel, this new Nationalist narrative has sought to suggest a sense of inevitability about separation. Perhaps the most eloquent expression of this was in James Robertson’s book And the Land Lay Still, the winner of the 2010 Saltire Society Scottish Book of the Year – and, incidentally, reportedly Alex Salmond’s favourite book of last year. Yet while an enjoyable read and impressive work, it offers a partial rather than a convincing account of Scotland’s political struggles over recent decades.

As Ian Smart, a former president of the Law Society of Scotland put it recently in a trenchant critique: “Mr Robertson’s book purports to be a history of Scotland since the 1950s albeit through the mechanism of fiction. It portrays a country ill at ease with itself; denied its proper place in the world through the devices of the English and unable to recognise its true destiny until these issues are resolved…

“For me the political history of Scotland, during the period of which he writes, was about so much more than Scotland. The central character of the book goes to Edinburgh University in 1972 yet the only mention of Vietnam is to compare its struggle to that of Scotland (truly!);

“Allende’s overthrow is worthy of a single (and background) pub exchange; the struggle against apartheid which, while I was contemporaneously at university, albeit in Glasgow, united students of any sort of progressive opinion doesn’t rate a single mention.

“To read this book, insofar as it purports to be a fictional political history of Scotland, you’d have thought that all that was going on consisted of people sitting about bemoaning the constitution. It most certainly was not.”

Yet the other part of the Nationalists’ narrative is its exclusivity: according to this narrative at its most unattractive, only nationalists are true Scots, or its softer version – all true Scottish patriots are inevitably Scottish nationalists.

For decades, mainstream Scottish opinion has accepted and reflected the truth that you can be a patriot without being a nationalist. It is the nationalists who have struggled with this sense that Scotland’s story does not exclude but includes the shared and interwoven stories of these islands.

Why else would Alex Salmond have once said that he wanted Scotland to be good neighbours to England rather than surly lodgers?

What he fails to understand is that the United Kingdom is the house that Scotland built with our neighbours – and you can’t be a lodger in your own house.

The Scottish people have always had the power to determine our own destiny. And there has always been more than one way to use that power.

In fact, the notion of Scottish patriotism has changed significantly over time. At the 19th century height of Empire, an Empire in which – as Tom Devine reminds us – the Scots were not impotent anti-imperialists but instead, for good or ill, active participants, you could have thought that only unionists were true patriots.

This was an analysis challenged, not by the emergence of Scottish national sentiment but rather by the rise of the Labour movement and the radical claim for equality; equality first for working people but then, in time, for women and for people of all races. This was the beginning of the challenge to the old unionism based only on the deferential attitude to ancient institutions: monarchy, army, parliament. An old unionism that proved inadequate to meet the challenges of modernity.

For myself, I remain of the view that the United Kingdom, this oldest of political unions, embodies a quintessentially modern idea – and one I like and believe in: that diversity can be a strength and not a weakness.

I like the idea that on these small rainy islands of the North Atlantic we share risks and rewards in a multicultural, multiethnic and multinational union. A shared space of ideas, identities and industries.

And I also continue to believe that across Britain we gain from common services and would be diminished without them; that we achieve more working together than working apart; that unity, out of diversity, gives us strength; that solidarity, the shared endeavour of working and cooperating together, not separation is the idea of the future and the idealism worth celebrating .

So, in truth, I am uncomfortable with and unattracted to a politics that draws a substantial part of its emotional power from a constant assertion of “difference”. And I bridle at the suggestion of separateness as the essential attribute of our national story.

It takes only a few moments to read the hate filled outpourings of the so called “Cyber-Nats” on the threads of the Scotsman and other websites to appreciate this point: With their claims of treason, attacks on “London Labour” and general intolerance to everybody and anybody who does not share their outlook. To my mind, these nationalists challenge the very suggestion of a more pluralist, open, discursive politics if ever their party were to prevail in its primary purpose.

Instead, they remind me of Alasdair Gray’s evocative description in his greatest novel, Lanark, of “our own wee hard men [who] hammer Scotland down to the same dull level as themselves.”

But I do recognise that the power and the weakness of this Nationalist narrative comes from its duality: on one hand caressing an unhealthy sense of victimhood through its constant assertion that Britain is what is holding Scotland back, and on the other hand asserting pride and possibility for Scotland.

Why do I find such a narrative unsatisfying even while I have to acknowledge its appeal to some sections of the electorate?

I don’t believe that rightly asserting our own distinct identity – indeed identities – is an alternative to finding points of shared values and interdependence.

But it is also that this determination to assert difference doesn’t accord with some of my own deepest convictions – and not simply that many years ago in Edinburgh I happened to meet and fall in love with an English woman who is now my wife. I would never want my children to choose whether they were citizens of Scotland or England.

It’s not the choice of futures I’d wish to put before them. It is not the choice that so many Scots or so many English people, would want their children; their nephews and nieces, even their sisters or brothers in law to have to make.

And it’s not that I hark back to some lost British patriotism of the 1950s. I am too young to remember those days and in temperament, and in personal politics, I am more interested in the future than harking back to a past whose values and prejudices few of us would share today.

There are other and deeper reasons than my admiration of Britain and what it represents that has always made me distrustful of nationalism.

As a democratic socialist, ideals have shaped my sense of politics more than identity. I am, and always have been, much more interested in abolishing poverty than abolishing Britain. A fundamental belief in human equality is the core of my politics, more than a fundamental belief in national difference.

My work around the world as international development secretary and now shadow foreign secretary has taught me something else – that one of the most fundamental struggles of modernity is between, on the one hand, those who believe our differences are more important than what unites us and, on the other, those of us who’s preference and moral lodestar is our common humanity.

That is the fundamental tenet of my politics, and helps explain why I am distrustful of a politics that draws its energy from gleeful assertions of difference rather than expressions of cooperation.

My theme this evening is that our story matters – as individuals, as families, as communities and as nations. So let me share with you part of my own family’s story.

My parents married in Glasgow in 1959. Four days later they flew from Prestwick to New York, where my father had gained a scholarship for postgraduate study at Union Theological Seminary.

The following Easter, in 1960, they joined a group of fellow students in travelling from New York to Raleigh, North Carolina, to attend a conference.

There they queued to hear a young Baptist preacher – and were spat at by white passers-by for their trouble.

The conference was the inaugural conference of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. The young Baptist preacher was Martin Luther King.

After this encounter, the theology of Martin Luther King had a huge impact on my parents and, in time, on the values they sought to pass on to their children – and that I seek to pass on to mine.

Now the reason I share this story is that what King described as our “inter-connectedness” still shapes how I see the world.

Let his own, far more eloquent, words speak for themselves: ‎”As long as there is poverty in the world I can never be rich even if I have a billion dollars. As long as diseases are rampant and millions of people in this world cannot expect to live thirty years I can never be totally healthy even if I just got a good check-up at the Mayo Clinic. I can never be what I ought to be until you are what you ought to be. This is the way our world is made. No individual or nation can stand our boasting of being independent. We are interdependent.”

In that concern with our common humanity I don’t simply draw inspiration from religious teaching but also from modern science. In recent years some of the most talented scientists on earth have achieved the mapping of the human genome.

Of course this has opened new possibilities for both science and medicine. But it has also revealed something I think is vital to our understanding of politics. The sequencing of the human genome has confirmed that all human beings are genetically more than 99.9 per cent the same.

As Bill Clinton put it, “while our differences matter, our common humanity matters more.”

Yet here in Scotland, our political discourse is increasingly defined by difference: Each and every day the SNP government and its spokespeople seek to challenge and undermine the cultural and political claim of those of us who do not share their determination to divide Britain, asserting that our differences matter more than that which we hold in common. Paradoxically, this process is promoted as entirely positive about Scotland’s future – but any disagreement is roundly condemned as “negative”.

The SNP have now pledged a referendum within this parliament to let Scotland decide. I do not fear the people’s verdict, but in the meantime my party has a great deal of work to do in the coming months and years. That work must begin by recognising that in the years ahead, Scottish Labour’s political purpose has to be built around the future possibilities for Scotland, not the past wrongs done to Scotland.

So what would that politics of possibility, that story of a better nation sound like?

It would start, to my mind, with a determination to uphold our common humanity, the common weal – and give expression to the feelings of care, concern and commitment which we seek in others and seek to uphold in ourselves – rather than assert and reinforce our difference.

For a democratic socialist like me it would begin from a belief in equality – and it would uphold the timeless truth that we achieve more together than we can achieve alone.

It would be a story that starts with the condition of Scotland: a nation of great strengths but also very real problems.

It would be a story that set at its heart the idea of building One Scotland. A nation in which greater equality was not just our aim, and our metric, but was, in fact, our achievement.

And surely today one of the clearest tests of our commitment to Scotland’s future is what we do for our children.

In 2011, the terrible truth remains: one in five of Scotland’s children live in poverty.

According to Children First, a quarter of Scotland’s children are missing out on basics such as proper winter clothing, after school activities and good, nutritious food – the basics we take for granted for our own children.

Worklessness is a problem but so are low wages – with around 25,000 children in Scotland being in severe poverty despite at least one adult in the home going out to work.

Of course this is not a problem confined to Scotland – a report by UNICEF in 2007 examined the effects of many decades of growing child poverty across the UK, and painted a stark picture of the deprivation, poor relationships with parents, and vulnerability to the risks from alcohol, drugs and unsafe sex suffered by too many children growing up today.

Labour in office did make a difference – using tax credits to lift millions of children out of poverty, and legislating for new rights like longer maternity leave and flexible working.

Some of that work is being undone by a Tory-led Coalition government in London, but it has also been left to wither on the vine by the SNP government in Edinburgh.

Perhaps the deepest and most abiding inequality that scars Scotland is the most basic – the stark differences in life expectancy. A boy born in parts of Paisley today will, on average, live five fewer years than a boy born here in Stirling. Closing that gap is one of the hardest, but most essential tasks we face.

Half of this difference in mortality is simply from the effects of smoking. Labour’s smoking ban was the start, but we could learn from other countries. Learning how to use what we know from neuroscience about how habits and addictions are made and broken.

But it’s not just smoking. Drink plays a major part too. I sense that Labour’s past rejection of the SNP’s proposals, however well justified in terms of the weakness of the specific policy, was judged by some voters as reflecting an unwillingness to tackle heavy drinking and rise to the challenge of making a better Scotland.

In itself, minimum alcohol pricing is no simple solution to a complex and deeply culturally rooted problem. Anyone observing the agile responses of supermarkets and wine emporia knows that. But while we can challenge the policy, or better improve the policy, as an MP for a constituency where each week I see some of the consequences of the abuse of alcohol, I understand the urging of the public health clinicians that government act to tackle these problems.

Because despite the fact that many Scots today live long, full and prosperous lives, not least in some part because of the achievements of previous Labour governments, too many still do not.

In a nation still afflicted by substandard housing, stubborn worklessness, and a relative decline in education standards, building “One Scotland” is no easy task. And it is made harder by the economic circumstances now confronting us.

The present stalling of economic growth in Britain, the Eurozone crisis, the debt ceiling debacle in the Unites States, each reflect a deeper and generational shift in productive and economic power from West to East that has only been accelerated by the Global Financial Crisis of 2008.

So the challenge facing social democratic politicians in the years ahead, not just here in Scotland, or across the UK, but in countless countries, is how to advance social justice when there is not much money around.

That endeavour demands a new statecraft for this new decade – reimagining policies in relation to economic growth, the welfare state and our public services.

To acknowledge this is not to try to write a manifesto. It is to acknowledge the urgency of a new approach. It is an analysis that identifies a more empowered people and a more equal society as defining missions of a better nation notwithstanding – indeed in part because of – the tough times ahead.

This is what I suggest deserves to be at the centre of Scottish Labour’s renewed story. A radical claim on the future. One that says the test is not how much more power a parliament has, or how much more autonomy can be achieved. Instead, what counts – in employment, in housing, in health and in education – is are our combined actions tackling the barriers and inequality that still hold back too many of our people. The barriers and inequality that still stand in the way of being the kind of Scotland we could be. Are we, by our will and by our work, creating One Scotland?

For all of our present weakness I believe the political party best able to tell this story is Scottish Labour.

I make this claim for the following reason. Our core as a party has been and remains defined by our commitment to two central beliefs: a belief in social justice, and a commitment to home rule within the United Kingdom.

So the task of rebuilding Scottish Labour is not an invitation to reject our longest-held beliefs, but to reaffirm them.

Of course that reaffirmation of political purpose, however important, is not enough. Scottish Labour also needs to embrace radical proposals to throw open its doors, and draw our future candidates from Labour “people” and not just Labour members, by which I mean people from all walks of life who share our values and who are willing us to be better, so that they can once again be proud to support us.

But, as I have sought to suggest this evening, we will only attract these people if we are clearer about the contribution we can make to the next chapter of Scotland’s story.

It is a challenge to which, I believe, we can rise. Just as years ago, New Labour had to dispel the myth that if you were ambitious, had done well, and had got on in life, you inevitably supported the Conservative Party, so now and in the years ahead Scottish Labour must dispel the myth that if you feel proudly and patriotically Scottish, and are ambitious for Scotland and its potential, you inevitably support the SNP.

Scottish Labour’s political purpose has to be about the future possibilities for Scotland, not the past wrongs, real and imagined, done to Scotland.

With this approach, I believe the history of Scotland, written by this generation, can and will be remembered not by the “The End of an Auld Sang” but positively and vibrantly by “The beginning of a New Story”.

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Scotland's Richie Gray tackled by Daniel Carpo of Romania in the Rugby World Cup

Scotland's Richie Gray tackled by Daniel Carpo of Romania in the Rugby World Cup

Rugby’s global controllers just don’t get it – and, until they do, the game will never grow to become the world sport it could and should be.

The issue here – and this is the one starting to overshadow the whole Rugby World Cup – is scheduling. Or rather, it is the totally unfair, biased and discriminatory scheduling for this tournament which is not just undermining the authority of the International Rugby Board but threatening to make the IRB as discredited as its football equivalent, FIFA.

Samoan centre Eliota Fuimaono-Sapolu broke ranks yesterday to launch a rant against the ridiculous scheduling which, he claimed, has all but conspired to send his country home after the pool stages.

The IRB should take his stinging criticisms seriously because they are shared by outraged and indignant rugby fans the world over. But what is the IRB doing? Considering whether to discipline Fuimaono-Sapolu instead.

It is an absurd stance to take. Fuimaono-Sapolu should be listened to and lauded for his bravery in speaking out against rugby’s controllers.

This is what he tweeted: “IRB, Stop exploiting my people. Please, all we ask, is fairness. If they get a week, give us a week. Simple. #equ[al]ity #justice.”

He later added: “Ok, it’s obvious the IRB are unjust. Wales get 7 days, we get 3. Unfair treatment, like slavery, like the holocaust, like apartheid.

“Give Wales 3 days off and give Samoa a week! We would kill them!

“You can’t get punished for speaking out against injustice. That would be unjust. Anyone can tackle a man. Try tackling injustice.”

The object of his derision was the organisers’ decision to force Samoa to play two games in the space of four days – but, more than that, to play what was always destined to be their crucial game, against Wales, with just a few days’ rest while their opponents were granted a whole week off.

Just look at Pool B. The Georgians were forced to play probably their two toughest matches, against Scotland and England, within four days of each other – and England, well they got a whole week off.

It doesn’t stop there. The Americans had to play Russia just four days after playing Ireland. And Ireland? They got the best part of a week off to prepare for their crunch game against Australia.

The IRB claims that it has to schedule the matches of the big nations on the weekends because that is when the television audiences are at their biggest. That means the big nations get a week to prepare for each game, while the lesser nations often get only a few days.

The one exception is Scotland. The Scots were the only tier one nation required to play two games in the space of four days (that actually shows that the organisers don’t see Scotland as a big TV market, which is understandable).

The Scots found it difficult, but they coped. Afterwards, voices in the Scottish camp said they thought it would be fairer if it was the top tier nations who had less of a turnaround time because they have more depth to their squads. They are right.

If matches have to be scheduled for the middle of the week, then the IRB should make the big nations play twice in four days. They have the stronger squads and they shouldn’t need as much recovery time as the more limited second tier nations.

But, more than that, this would lead to more competitive matches – one of the reasons Scotland struggled to put both Romania and Georgia away convincingly was because Andy Robinson had to split his first team between the games.

Look how England racked up the points in the final quarter against an exhausted Georgian side on Sunday. Had the roles been reversed, how close could that game have been?

This is rugby which, at the top level, is a brutal, tough and draining environment. It is just wrong to ask countries to play twice in four days if they don’t have the depth to put out two completely different, competitive XVs.

There would undoubtedly be closer matches if the top tier countries were the ones having to cope with a short turnaround and then, rugby as a whole would be the winner.

The Rugby World Cup would gain in credibility if the tournament was a lot closer, if there really was the chance of an upset in most games but it appears as if the IRB are too blinkered to see that.

The scheduling may well have been done for commercial television reasons, but it has certainly left the impression that the IRB is nothing more than a cosy little club designed to preserve the cushy existence of a few top tier nations.

Could Samoa have beaten Wales had they been given a week to recover from their last game? Quite possibly. Could the result have been different, moreover, had it been Wales and not Samoa who had to play two games within four days? Even more likely.

The suspicion is that, while the IRB talks a good game on promoting rugby around the world, it really doesn’t want to see any of the emerging nations really break through and, heaven forbid, get to a quarter- or a semi-final. That would mean one of their cherished big nations missing out – and would mean a loss of audience and a loss of revenue.

But unless and until the IRB wakes up to the fact that rugby supporters everywhere want to see good, close games and, more than that, they want to see equality between top nations and the also-rans, the IRB will continue to lose credibility.

Ultimately, what is so wrong about this is not that the top nations have been given an advantage – which they were – it is that the lesser nations were actually penalised and made to play to a much more punishing schedule against their better funded and better resourced counterparts. That is what is so shocking about it.

Just ask Richie Dixon, the Scots coach of Georgia, what he thinks about the timetabling of his country’s two big games.

This Rugby World Cup should be and could be the most fantastic showpiece of the game for the world. Unfortunately, whatever the end result, it has already left a very nasty taste because of the short-sightedness and the distinct lack of fair play by the organisers.

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Over on Salon magazine, Glenn Greenwald has reopened a big can of worms by using the word “apartheid” in reference to Israel and its control of the West Bank and Gaza – or rather, someone else has…

Apparently, there is a big pro-Israeli lobby move afoot to “Get Carter”, and the Washington Post has been picking on the former US president’s use of the “a” word four years ago as an example of his possible anti-semitic leanings.

Trouble is, Greenwald points out, the “a” word was used by none other than Israel’s defence minister, Ehud Barak, earlier this month. So was this yet another example of the campaign to demonise Jimmy Carter, or was it just another example of the formerly liberal Washington Post’s slide into a sloppy neo-conservative agenda?